[Debate] UK - Rendition ordeal that raises new questions about secret trials

[Yoshie Furuhashi]

"No permanent friends and no permanent enemies. Only permanent interests."
. . .

On Sun, Apr 8, 2012 at 2:48 PM, Riaz K Tayob <riaz.tayob at gmail.com> wrote:

>   Special report: Rendition ordeal that raises new questions about secret
> trials
>
> In 2004, Fatima Bouchar and her husband, Abdel Hakim Belhaj, were detained
> en route to the UK, and rendered to Libya. This is the story of their
> imprisonment, and the trail of evidence that reveals the involvement of the
> British government
>
>
>    -
>       -  Ian Cobain <http://www.guardian.co.uk/profile/iancobain>
>        - guardian.co.uk <http://www.guardian.co.uk>, **Sunday 8 April
>       2012 16.26 BST**
>       - Article history<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/apr/08/special-report-britain-rendition-libya#history-link-box>
>
>
> Fatima Bouchar, the wife of Abdul Hakim Belhaj. Both were detained in 2004
> in Bangkok with the help of MI6 and rendered to Libya. Photograph: Irina
> Kalashnikova for the Guardian
>
> Just when Fatima Bouchar thought it couldn't get any worse, the Americans
> forced her to lie on a stretcher and began wrapping tape around her feet.
> They moved upwards, she says, along her legs, winding the tape around and
> around, binding her to the stretcher. They taped her stomach, her arms and
> then her chest. She was bound tight, unable to move.
>
> Bouchar says there were three Americans: two tall, thin men and an equally
> tall woman. Mostly they were silent. She never saw their faces: they
> dressed in black and always wore black balaclavas. Bouchar was terrified.
> They didn't stop at her chest – she says they also wound the tape around
> her head, covering her eyes. Then they put a hood and earmuffs on her. She
> was unable to move, to hear or to see. "My left eye was closed when the
> tape was applied," she says, speaking about her ordeal for the first time.
> "But my right eye was open, and it stayed open throughout the journey. It
> was agony." The journey would last around 17 hours.
>
> Bouchar, then aged 30, had become a victim of the process known as
> extraordinary rendition <http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/rendition>. She
> and her husband, Abdel Hakim Belhaj, a Libyan Islamist militant fighting
> Muammar Gaddafi, had been abducted in Bangkok and were being flown to one
> of Gaddafi's prisons in Libya <http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/libya>, a
> country where she had never before set foot. However, Bouchar's case is
> different from the countless other renditions that the world has learned
> about over the past few years, and not just because she was one of the few
> female victims.
>
> Documents discovered in Tripoli show that the operation was initiated by
> British intelligence officers, rather than the masked Americans or their
> superiors in the US. There is also some evidence that the operation may
> have been linked to a second British-initiated operation, which saw two men
> detained in Iraq and rendered to Afghanistan. Furthermore, the timing of
> the operation, and the questions that Bouchar's husband and a second
> rendition victim say were subsequently put to them under torture, raise
> disturbing new questions about the secret court system that considers
> immigration appeals in terrorist cases in the UK – a system that the
> government has pledged to extend to civil trials in which the government
> itself is the defendant.
>
> This year, the Crown Prosecution Service announced police had launched an
> investigation<http://www.cps.gov.uk/news/press_statements/joint_statement_by_the_director_of_public_prosecutions_and_the_metropolitan_police_service/>into the "alleged rendition and alleged ill-treatment" of Bouchar and
> Belhaj, and a second operation in which a Libyan family of six were flown
> to one of Gaddafi's prisons.
>
> It appears inevitable that Scotland Yard's detectives will want to
> question the man who was foreign secretary at the time – Jack Straw.
>
> Ten years before Bouchar's abduction and rendition, many of her husband's
> associates had been permitted to settle in Britain. These men were members
> of al-Jama'a al-Islamiyyah al-Muqatilah fi-Libya, the Libyan Islamic
> Fighting Group (LIFG), an organisation formed in the early 1990s and
> dedicated to Gaddafi's removal. The LIFG was not banned in the UK, and its
> members appear to have found the country a convenient place to gather and
> raise funds. There were even reports<http://cryptome.org/jya/mi5-flap.htm>– officially denied – that
> MI6 <http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/mi6> encouraged the LIFG in an
> unsuccessful attempt on the dictator's life.
>
> But from 2002 the UK ceased to be such a safe haven for the LIFG. The US
> and UK governments were beginning to repair their relations with Gaddafi, a
> rapprochement that would soon see him abandon his WMD programme and open
> his country's oil and gas reserves to western corporations.
>
> *Held by armed police*
>
> One Thursday evening in November that year, a 36-year-old LIFG member who
> was living in London was arrested by armed police as he attempted to board
> a flight at Heathrow. He was told he was being detained under the Anti-terrorism,
> Crime and Security Act,<http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200102/cmbills/049/2002049.pdf>a piece of legislation that had been rushed on to the statute books within
> weeks of 9/11, and which allowed the British government to detain
> international terrorism suspects without trial. From that moment the man
> was anonymised, by court order – in part to protect his relatives in Libya
> – and could be referred to only as "M".
>
> When M had arrived in the UK as an asylum seeker eight years earlier, he
> had readily told Special Branch detectives that he was a member of the
> LIFG. On his arrest at Heathrow he insisted that the organisation had no
> connection with international terrorism and was concerned only with the
> removal of Gaddafi. After being detained at Belmarsh high security prison
> in south-east London, M appealed to the Special Immigration Appeals
> Commission (SIAC), a tribunal that allows the government to give evidence
> in secret, unseen by the appellant or the appellant's lawyers.
>  [image: Abdel Hakim Belhaj in Tripoli in August 2011 where he was the
> rebel military leader] Abdel Hakim Belhaj in Tripoli in August 2011 where
> he was the rebel military leader. He had been detained in 2004 in Bangkok
> and rendered to Libya with his pregnant wife Fatima Bouchar. Photograph:
> Francois Mori/AP
>
> In March 2004, M became the first and only person detained under the act
> to win an appeal at SIAC. The tribunal accepted that there were no links
> between LIFG and al-Qaida, and criticised the Home Office<http://www.siac.tribunals.gov.uk/Documents/outcomes/documents/sc172002m.pdf>for its "consistent exaggeration" of M's alleged links with members of
> al-Qaida. As the law permitted only "international terrorists" to be
> detained without trial, and not domestic insurgents, M was set free. A few
> days after SIAC's decision, notice was passed to the Home Office and MI5<http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/mi5>,
> and Fatima Bouchar and her husband were detained in Bangkok.
>
> Bouchar's husband made no secret<http://www.guardian.co.uk/profile/abdel-hakim-belhaj>of being a leading member of the LIFG. That year, the couple had left
> China, where they had been living in exile, and attempted to travel to the
> UK via Malaysia. When they were detained in Kuala Lumpur and questioned
> about Belhaj's false Iraqi passport, an acquaintance went to the British
> high commission to explain that the couple were attempting to reach London.
> Shortly after this, they were told that they would be permitted to travel
> to the UK on a BA flight, despite not having EU passports or UK visas. But
> when the aircraft stopped off at Bangkok, the pair were detained and taken
> to a US-run detention facility.
>
> It was known that the CIA <http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/cia> had been
> operating a secret prison in Thailand since 9/11, but its precise location
> was unknown. Bouchar and Belhaj arrived there within minutes of being
> detained, suggesting that it was located within the perimeter of Don Muang
> international airport. They were immediately separated.
>
> Belhaj says he was blindfolded, hooded, forced to wear ear defenders, and
> hung from hooks in his cell wall for what seemed to be hours. He says he
> was severely beaten. The ear defenders were removed only for him to be
> blasted with loud music, he says, or when he was interrogated by his US
> captors.
>
> Bouchar says that when she was dragged away from her husband she feared he
> was going to be killed. "I thought: 'This is it.' I thought I would never
> see my husband again ... They took me into a cell, and they chained my left
> wrist to the wall and both my ankles to the floor. I could sit down but I
> couldn't move. There was a camera in the room, and every time I tried to
> move they rushed in. But there was no real communication. I wasn't
> questioned." Bouchar found it difficult to comprehend how she could be
> treated in this way: she was four-and-a-half months pregnant. "They knew I
> was pregnant," she says. "It was obvious." She says she was given water
> while chained up, but no food whatsoever. She was chained to the wall for
> five days. At the end of this period she was taped to the stretcher and put
> aboard the aircraft, unaware of where she was going or whether her husband
> was on board. At one point the aircraft landed, remained on the ground for
> a short period and then took off again. Only when it landed a second time
> did she hear a man grunting with pain, and realise her husband was nearby.
>
> Belhaj says he had been shackled to the floor of the plane, with his hands
> chained to his feet in a manner that made it impossible either to sit or
> lie down. Sometimes his grunts would be met with a kick; on other
> occasions, he says, a cushion would be placed under his elbows, giving him
> temporary respite before it was taken away again.
>
> The plane touched down at Tripoli with its cargo still trussed up; a gift,
> apparently, to the regime they had hoped to overthrow. The pair were driven
> separately to Tajoura prison, east of the city, and Bouchar was led to a
> cell where she would spend the next four months. Initially, she was
> interrogated for around five hours a day. "At one point a cot was brought
> in the cell along with some baby clothes, nappies, a bed cover and a baby
> bath," she says. "I really thought I was going to have to have my baby
> there, and that we would both be held there.
>
> Bouchar was released shortly before giving birth to a son, apparently
> because word of her husband's capture had reached the outside world. Belhaj
> was brought to her cell for a few moments, and then she was set free,
> though not permitted to leave the country.
>
> Two weeks after the couple were rendered to Libya, Tony Blair paid his
> first visit to the country<http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/3566545.stm>,
> embracing Gaddafi and declaring that Libya had recognised "a common cause,
> with us, in the fight against al-Qaida extremism and terrorism". At the
> same time, in London, the Anglo-Dutch oil giant Shell announced that it had
> signed a £110m deal for gas exploration rights off the Libyan coast.
>
> Three days after that, a second leading LIFG member, Abu Munthir al-Saadi,
> was bundled aboard a plane in Hong Kong and taken to Tripoli in a joint
> British-Libyan rendition operation. Saadi's wife and four children were
> also kidnapped and taken to Libya. The youngest was a girl aged six.<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/oct/24/britain-family-gaddafi-legal>The family was incarcerated at Tajoura for more than two months before
> being released. Saadi and Belhaj were held for more than six years,
> however, and say they were subjected to torture throughout this time.
>
> At one point, they say, early in their incarceration, they were
> interrogated by British intelligence officers after being tortured by the
> Libyan captors. These visitors wanted to learn more about LIFG members
> living in the UK. The two men say their torturers had made clear that
> their treatment would improve<http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/libyan-rebel-leader-says-mi6-knew-he-was-tortured-2349778.html>if they told the British that these LIFG activists were linked with
> al-Qaida: something that SIAC had ruled, just weeks earlier, was not the
> case.
>  [image: The flight plan for the 2004 rendition operations found in
> Moussa Koussa's office] The flight plan for the 2004 rendition operations
> found in Moussa Koussa's office.
>
> The role that MI6 played in arranging the rendition of these two Libyan
> dissidents and their families is now well known, thanks to a discovery made
> last September by Peter Bouckaert, a director with Human Rights<http://www.guardian.co.uk/law/human-rights>Watch, inside the abandoned office of Moussa Koussa, Gaddafi's foreign
> minister and former intelligence chief. Bouckaert found a file containing
> hundreds of secret letters and faxes<http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/09/08/usuk-documents-reveal-libya-rendition-details>that MI6 and the CIA had sent to Koussa during the early days of the
> rapprochement between Libya and the west. Among them were a series of
> documents detailing the 2004 rendition operations.
>
> A close examination of those papers show that a great deal of planning
> went into the operations, withMI6 informing Koussa's office as early as
> November 2003 that they were seeking the assistance of Chinese
> intelligence officers <http://gu.com/p/36azy> in their attempt to deal
> with "the Islamic extremist target in China". When MI6 learned that Belhaj
> was being held in Malaysia under his nom de guerre, Abdullah al-Sadiq,
> along with his pregnant wife, they were quick to tip off Tripoli<http://www.guardian.co.uk/p/36ap7>
> .
>
> Notoriously, perhaps, one fax from Mark Allen<http://gu.com/p/36dax#document/p2>,
> then head of counter-terrorism at MI6, congratulated Koussa on the "safe
> arrival" of Belhaj – "the least we could do for you and for Libya" – and
> referred to an "amusing" request by the CIA that anything the dissident
> said under interrogation should be passed first to them.
>
> "I know I did not pay for the air cargo," Allen says: but after all, the
> intelligence that led to the couple's rendition was British.
>
> Another fax, sent by the CIA<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/interactive/2011/sep/09/libya#document/p6>two days before Blair's visit, with a cover sheet marked "rendition of Abu
> Munthir", shows the US to be eager to join and finance that operation after
> learning that MI6 and Gaddafi's government were about to embark upon it.
> Also buried away inside the secret document cache is a fax that shows MI6
> felt itself not to be bound by the anonymity order imposed after M had been
> detained under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act in November 2002.
> The following January, the intelligence service sent Koussa what it
> described as an MI5 "intelligence resumé", detailing M's full name and date
> of birth and disclosing that he was an active member of the LIFG. The fax
> also listed the Libyan telephone numbers called by M. It was being sent,
> MI6 explained, "for research purposes and analysis purposes".
>
> By piecing together records of air traffic control logs and matching them
> with a document found in the Tripoli cache, it is possible to trace the
> route taken by the aircraft that rendered Bouchar and Belhaj from Bangkok
> to Tripoli in March 2004. There are a couple of surprises along the way.
> The aircraft was a Boeing 737 with the tail number N313P, operated by a
> North Carolina company called Aero Contractors, which has been widely
> reported<http://www.law.unc.edu/documents/clinicalprograms/finalrenditionreportweb.pdf>to be a CIA front.
>
> N313P is now known to have been used in a great many rendition operations:
> it was one of the aircraft that carried a shackled and hooded Binyam
> Mohamed, for example.
>
> According to the records of the European air traffic management agency,
> Eurocontrol, and the Federal Aviation Administration in the US, N313P took
> off from Dulles airport in Washington DC at 2.51am on 7 March 2004, landing
> at Misrata in Libya shortly after noon local time. When N313P departed from
> Misrata, it flew beyond Eurocontrol's area of responsibility, and
> disappears, temporarily, from its records.
>
> But a flight plan had been prepared by the CIA the previous day, and faxed
> to Libya, where it was found among the secret cache of letters and faxes
> recovered from Koussa's office. This document shows that after leaving
> Libya, the rendition aircraft planned to stay overnight on the Seychelles
> before continuing to Bangkok. It was then due to leave Bangkok on the
> evening of 8 March, the date that Bouchar and Belhaj were forced on board
> an aircraft.The CIA flight plan <http://gu.com/p/36dvq> shows that the
> aircraft was then due to fly to Tripoli via Diego Garcia, where it would
> refuel during the early hours of 9 March.
>
> Any evidence that the rendition plane landed on Diego Garcia would be
> enormously damaging for the British government. Although the remote coral
> atoll in the Indian Ocean is operated as a US military outpost, it is a
> British Overseas Territory, and the UK is legally responsible for events
> there.
>
> The last Labour government was highly sensitive to reports that Diego
> Garcia played a part in the global rendition programme. Both Blair and
> Straw insisted on a number of occasions that there was "no evidence" for
> this. Those assurances proved to be wrong: in February 2008, amid mounting
> evidence that rendition aircraft had landed on the atoll, David Miliband,
> one of Straw's successors at the Foreign Office, told the Commons<http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200708/cmhansrd/cm080221/debtext/80221-0007.htm>that he was "very sorry indeed" to report that two rendition flights had
> refuelled there in 2002.
>
> By way of reassurance, Miliband told MPs that no prisoners had been
> allowed to disembark while the aircraft were refuelled, and that "US
> investigations show no record of any other rendition through Diego Garcia
> or any other overseas territory, or through the UK itself, since then".
>
> *Diego Garcia question*
>
> When the CIA flight plan was recovered from Koussa's office, the Guardian
> asked the Foreign Office whether the plane carrying Bouchar and Belhaj had
> indeed stopped off on Diego Garcia, despite Miliband's assurances. The
> department sought initially to imply that the aircraft had been refused
> permission to land, but would not answer the question directly. Asked for a
> yes-or-no answer, a spokeswoman declined.
>
> In any case, by the evening of 9 March, N313P had reappeared on the radar
> of Eurocontrol. The agency's records show the aircraft landed once more at
> Misrata airport: the exact place that the CIA flight plan said it would be.
>
> On board were Bouchar, taped to her stretcher, and Belhaj, still shackled
> in an excruciating stress position at the end of their 17 hour flight.
>
> With its prisoners rendered and the Libyan mission accomplished, N313P
> left for Palma de Mallorca. Hotel records from the five-star Gran Melia
> Victoria, a favoured destination<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2006/oct/26/usa.ciarendition>for rendition teams, show that the crew of 10 men and three women booked in
> for two nights of rest and recreation.
>
> Curiously, however, when the aircraft left Palma on the evening of 11
> March, it did not return to the US. Instead, it flew east to Baghdad. After
> less than two hours on the ground in Baghdad, it departed for Kabul. N313P
> remained in Kabul for 24 hours, then flew back to Washington via Larnaca on
> Cyprus and Shannon on the west coast of Ireland.
>
> The flight to Kabul appears to coincide with another British-initiated
> operation, one that saw two more people being subjected to extraordinary
> rendition, this time from Iraq to Afghanistan.
>
> Yunus Rahmatullah and Amanatullah Ali were two Pakistani men suspected of
> having travelled to Iraq to fight for al-Qaida. MI6 is understood to have
> tracked them as they travelled across Iran and into Iraq, and when they
> arrived at a house in southern Baghdad, a decision was taken to raid the
> building, a mission codenamed Operation Aston.
>
> SAS troopers attacked the house in late February, shooting dead two men
> and capturing several others. After the detainees were handed over to the
> US military, Rahmatullah and Ali were held at a prison at Baghdad
> international airport, according to a British military source. Then they
> were flown to Afghanistan and taken to the US-run prison at Bagram, north
> of Kabul, a transfer that was in breach of the Geneva conventions. They
> remain at Bagram today, despite an attempt to secure the release of
> Rahmatullah<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/feb/23/yunus-rahmatullah-cannot-be-freed-habeas-corpus>by persuading the appeal court in London to grant a habeas corpus writ.
>
> The SAS troops who took part in Operation Aston were members of a joint
> US-UK special forces task force that rounded up large numbers of people in
> Iraq<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/feb/07/iraq-death-secret-detention-camp>,
> missions in which the US was, on every other occasion, deemed legally to be
> detaining authority. But former members of the taskforce say Operation
> Aston was an all-British affair, and they were never sure why.
>
> The Guardian has asked the Foreign Office on several occasions whether
> N313P flew Rahmatullah and Ali to Afghanistan, but the department has
> always failed to answer.
>
> The following year, 2005, the LIFG was banned in the UK, and a number of
> its members, including M, were arrested. The Home Office said it had taken
> this step because it had come to the conclusion that the group was "part of
> the wider global Islamist extremist movement, as inspired by al-Qaida". To
> what extent this assessment drew upon intelligence provided by Gaddafi's
> government – including statements made by LIFG prisoners under
> interrogation – remains unclear.
>
> What is becoming clear, however, is that the rendition of Abdel Hakim
> Belhaj and Abu Munthir al-Saadi had a number of unintended consequences.
>
> By early 2005, the British government had been forced to conclude that the
> capture of the more moderate elements among the LIFG leadership, such as
> Belhaj and al-Saadi, had resulted in a power vacuum that was being filled
> by men with pan-Islamist ambitions. Among a number of documents found in a
> second Tripoli cache, at the British ambassador's abandoned residence, was
> a secret 58-page MI5 briefing paper
> <http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/oct/24/mi6-libya-rebels-rendition-al-qaida>that
> said "the extremists are now in the ascendancy," and that they were
> "pushing the group towards a more pan-Islamic agenda inspired by AQ
> [al-Qaida]".
>
> The realisation that MI6 had passed M's name and information about his
> contacts to Gaddafi's notorious intelligence agencies, despite the
> existence of an order seeking to preserve his anonymity, provoked outrage
> among lawyers who work within the SIAC system.
>
> There was also dismay at the manner in which the rendition operations were
> mounted shortly after SIAC had ruled that there were no links between the
> LIFG and al-Qaida. M's lawyer, Gareth Peirce, believes that to be one of
> the reasons the two men were taken to Libya. "The UK's complicity in the
> renditions of Belhaj and Abu Munthir is sickening," Peirce says. "Their
> synchronisation with the obtaining of perceived missing 'intelligence' for
> domestic proceedings damns both enterprises equally."
>
> Last December, the attorney general, Dominic Grieve, wrote to the head of
> Scotland Yard, Bernard Hogan-Howe, drawing his attention to the two
> rendition operations. A few weeks later the Yard announced it was mounting
> a criminal investigation, which is continuing.
>
> Meanwhile, no attempt is being made to deny MI6 involvement in the
> renditions: instead, well-placed sources say the operations were "ministerially
> authorised government policy"<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/feb/14/mi6-licence-to-kill-and-torture>.
> This has led to reports<http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/crime/police-to-question-jack-straw-over-torture-in-libya-6289041.html>that police will need to interview Jack Straw.
>
> The Guardian has repeatedly put a number of questions about the renditions
> to Straw, asking whether he authorised the operations and, if not, which
> minister was responsible; the former foreign secretary has repeatedly
> declined to answer.
>
> A further consequence is that lawyers representing the rendition victims
> are suing MI6, MI5, the foreign office, and Mark (now Sir Mark) Allen.
> Belhaj – who was released from prison along with Saadi in 2010 – led the
> militia that drove Gaddafi's forces out of Tripoli last year, and is now
> settled in the city with Bouchar. They embarked on legal proceedings<http://gu.com/p/36ap9>only after the UK government declined to offer them an apology.
>
> Bouchar appears to remain deeply traumatised by her abduction and
> imprisonment, and that of her husband. "The time around the birth of a
> first child should be among the happiest in a couple's lives," she says,
> "but it is very difficult for me to look back at that time because I wanted
> to die rather than be going through what I did."
>
> Happily, she is now pregnant with the couple's second child.
>
> Asked whether it wished to say anything that would help explain the UK
> government's role in the rendition operations, the Foreign Office declined
> to comment.
>
> The justice ministry, meanwhile, is pressing ahead with proposed
> legislation<http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/mar/02/justice-and-security-green-paper-silence-in-court>that would introduce SIAC-style secrecy to any civil trial or inquest in
> which a minister has decided that some evidence is too sensitive to be
> aired in public.
>
> Bouchar's lawyers condemn not only her mistreatment, but the plans to
> force litigation on her behalf into secret court hearing.
>
> Sapna Malik, of the law firm Leigh Day, says: "Fatima's utterly barbaric
> treatment, and Britain's role in it, must come under the full scrutiny of
> an open court and not be condemned to a secret chamber."
>
> Cori Crider of the legal charity Reprieve, which is also representing her,
> added: "It is bad enough that MI6 and the CIA had Abdel Hakim Belhaj
> tortured, when his only opponent was Colonel Gaddafi, but it is impossible
> to see what they hoped to achieve by kidnapping his pregnant wife, taping
> her up and forcing her on a plane back to Libya.
>
> "Instead of saying sorry, the security services are busily trying to shunt
> Fatima's case and those like it into secret. Make no mistake: when Ken
> Clarke says a 'tiny' category of national security cases will be heard in
> closed court, it is Fatima, taped to the stretcher, he and those behind him
> have in mind."
>
> _______________________________________________
> Debate-list mailing list
> Debate-list at fahamu.org
> http://lists.fahamu.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/debate-list
>
>


-- 
Yoshie Furuhashi
<http://mrzine.org/>
-------------- next part --------------
An HTML attachment was scrubbed...
URL: http://lists.fahamu.org/pipermail/debate-list/attachments/20120408/635a9469/attachment-0001.htm 
-------------- next part --------------
A non-text attachment was scrubbed...
Name: not available
Type: image/jpeg
Size: 7817 bytes
Desc: not available
Url : http://lists.fahamu.org/pipermail/debate-list/attachments/20120408/635a9469/attachment-0002.jpeg 
-------------- next part --------------
A non-text attachment was scrubbed...
Name: not available
Type: image/jpeg
Size: 8291 bytes
Desc: not available
Url : http://lists.fahamu.org/pipermail/debate-list/attachments/20120408/635a9469/attachment-0003.jpeg