[Debate] (Fwd) IBON v COP17
Patrick Bond
pbond at mail.ngo.za
Wed Dec 21 14:12:05 GMT 2011
(This comes from a radical institute in Manila.)
*The Durban Package: escape hatches, empty shells, and a death notice to
equity*
*IBON assessment of the Durban climate change summit*
The next ten years could decide whether the world's fight against
climate change is lost or won. The Durban Package -- the set of
decisions agreed to in the summit -- amounts to more heavy lifting for
the South, less obligations for the North, and little help for the poor.
Worse still, it means that the present decade will be a decade of zero
progress in curbing global emissions, and one where equity as the basis
of the global climate effort will have been abandoned.
*Escape hatch: the Kyoto's second commitment period. *Durban agreed that
the Kyoto Protocol -- the only treaty regulating the industrialized
world's emissions -- will get a second commitment period beginning 2013
through to 2017 or 2020. Annex I countries are expected to convert their
emissions pledges into binding targets for adoption in CMP-8 in Qatar.
Kyoto avoided death in Durban. But devoid of any integrity and
substance, Kyoto is essentially a corpse surviving on life support.
§With Japan, Russia, and Canada joining the US out of KP, Kyoto's second
round will cover just a little over one-third of total Annex I emissions
and 15% of global emissions. Australia and New Zealand may also pull
out. That would leave Kyoto's second round entirely to Europe.
§The second round of emissions cuts will not be derived from a
collective aggregate target, much less one that is based on science. It
comes down to what the second round's remaining participants would
unilaterally pledge next year.
§With no time to put up the needed Kyoto amendments for a lengthy
ratification process to give full legal mandate to a commencement of the
second round in 2013, the new round will likely be allowed to muddle
through -- possibly under a creative cover such as a provisional
implementation period -- to put on the appearance of a seamless transition.
§Emissions trading and offsetting (Joint Implementation and Clean
Development Mechanism) will continue in the second round; rules for
carbon capture and storage as CDM projects have been approved, after
being granted eligibility in Cancun; and surplus allowances and land-use
accounting loopholes have not been closed.
In exchange for agreeing to keep a mangled Kyoto Protocol alive, the EU
secured agreement from developing countries to start a new negotiation
process leading to a new legal regime by decade's end. The understanding
is that the regime resulting from these talks will succeed Kyoto --
which means that Kyoto's second round is likely going to be its last. In
short, the North have arranged for themselves an escape hatch to a
Kyoto-less world via a second commitment period.
*A death notice to equity: the Durban Platform. *The new round of
negotiations will be done in the Ad-hoc Working Group on the Durban
Platform for Enhanced Action, which will begin work in 2012, and
conclude with an outcome for adoption in 2015 and entry into force in
2020. The outcome will take the form of "a protocol, another legal
instrument or an agreed outcome with legal force," and will be
"applicable to all Parties" of the UNFCCC. The Durban text indicates
that the new round will pick up work from the Bali round on areas of
interest to developing countries, such as adaptation, finance,
technology transfer, and capacity-building. But its main content is
work on a new global mitigation regime. The Durban Platform means less
equity for developing countries and more delay in curbing global emissions.
§The Durban Platform decision nicely sets up the negotiations to an
outcome the North favors: a single global treaty in which all countries
take on more or less the same mitigation commitments irrespective of
level of development. First, it ends the two-track Bali Roadmap process
that would have led to a two-tiered system where the difference between
developed and developing country mitigation actions was kept.Second, the
text makes no reference to the principles of equity, historical
responsibility, or common but differentiated responsibility. The final
arrangement could be one in which poorer countries elevate their
obligations at par with rich countries in a strong rules-based regime,
or where rich countries dial back theirs in loose and
domestically-driven do-nothing regime. In any case, Durban could mark
the point where equity, fairness, and the notion of Northern
responsibility and leadership as guiding ideas of the international
climate effort all received their death notice.
§The Durban Platform decision recognizes that existing pledges fall
short of the necessary cuts to limit global warming to 1.5°C or 2°C, and
will initiate work to raise ambition to close this gap. But the
ambition-raising treaty will only kick in from 2020, a concession to big
developing countries for agreeing to the Durban Platform. Until then,
all the world will have by way of mitigation actions are the actions
countries pledged in 2010. Analyses of these pledges conclude that they
put the planet on course to temperature increases of as much as 4-5°C.
This decade is crucial in terms of peaking global emissions and
transitioning to renewable energy systems. Scientists agree that global
emissions must peak no later than 2015 and decline rapidly thereafter.
Fossil-based infrastructure and technology built over this decade will
last decades more into the future, locking us deeper into
fossil-dependency. Losing this decade may well cost the world its fight
against climate change.
*Empty shells: GCF and finance. *Durban has launched the Green Climate
Fund (GCF) with the approval of its governing instrument. Remaining
disputes have been settled on the balance in favor of developing
countries: the GCF will have legal personality and will have an interim
secretariat within the UNFCCC secretariat. Direct private sector access
to the Fund has been retained, possibly opening the door for subsidizing
large multinationals at the expense of the poor, but a "no-objection
procedure" will be devised to give national authorities at least some
say on private sector funding and ensure policy alignment. Yet the GCF
is still largely an empty shell, as is the North's promise to provide
scaled up finance. The GCF will rely on voluntary instead of mandatory
contributions. Furthermore, there is still no progress in making the
North's pledge of mobilizing $100 billion binding; in charting a path to
ramp up climate finance towards the 2020 goal; and in identifying and
operationalizing public sources of finance.
*A foot in the door for soil carbon markets. *Durban saw the first time
agriculture was included in an LCA outcome -- but not for the better.
There had been loud voices for "climate smart agriculture" from the
World Bank and agribusiness in the sidelines of Durban. Transitioning to
sustainable agriculture is important in mitigating emissions, adapting
to climate impacts, and ensuring future food security. But the push to
include agriculture in the agenda is based on the interest to groom the
sector for soil carbon offsetting, and promote corporate industrial
agriculture especially in Africa.
**
*****
Durban showed again how deeply paralyzed the UNFCCC process is from
delivering fair and solid action that the poor and the planet need. It
is paralyzed by the North in consistently refusing to face up to their
responsibilities to cut emissions and shifting them to poorer countries.
By delaying action, Durban's winners are big corporate polluters and
global elites who can continue their overconsuming and unsustainable ways.
Time is running out for the world to accomplish a just and sustainable
transition and the planet cannot wait for the foundering international
negotiations to work. We need a solution grounded on a commitment by
governments to steer the world in a new direction -- towards a model
centered on ending poverty, improving the quality of life, and ensuring
basic material and social needs for all, rather than on endless growth,
corporate accumulation, and overconsumption of the few. Peoples,
communities, and social movements in the North and the South must
mobilize to resist big business, push governments, and build alternative
systems to set the world on the path to sustainability and equity from
the ground up.
/For inquiries:/
//
/Tetet Nera-Lauron/
/IBON Climate Justice Programme/
/tlauron at iboninternational.org <mailto:tlauron at iboninternational.org>/
Maria Theresa Nera-Lauron
Peoples Movement on Climate Change (PMCC)
IBON Foundation, Inc.
3F IBON Center, 114 Timog Avenue,
Quezon City, Philippines
Tel. No. +632 9277060-62 loc. 202
Skype ID: tetet.lauron
www.iboninternational.org
www.peoplesclimatemovement.net
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