[DEBATE] : My take on the last week in SA [one comment suggest I am 'an apologist for Mbeki'?!]

Sean Jacobs tintinyana at gmail.com
Tue Sep 23 17:51:09 BST 2008


South Africa's negative equity


     * Sean Jacobs

           o Tuesday September 23 2008 15:31 BST

Responding publicly to calls from his Communist party and trade union  
allies to depose Thabo Mbeki, Jacob Zuma – speaking in the wake of the  
court decision that ruled that he had been the victim of a political  
plot by Mbeki – insisted that there was no need "to beat a dead  
snake". Most observers had interpreted the repeated calls for Mbeki's  
resignation since Zuma became party leader as mere posturing on the  
part of Zuma's supporters. By the weekend, however, a humiliated Mbeki  
had announced his resignation as South Africa's second democratic  
president.

While Mbeki's ousting has sparked waves of political resignations, he  
probably had more admirers outside South Africa than within. He was  
George Bush's "point man" in Africa and was a favorite of the  
international markets. But on the things that affected the majority of  
people in South Africa the most – Aids and poverty – Mbeki presided  
over disastrous policies.

One of the key aims of the Zuma ANC faction was to achieve state  
power. They have achieved the first step in that direction now. Mbeki,  
who also personified for them what was wrong with the ANC's leadership  
style (secretive, vindictive, personal and distant rule), is now gone.  
As they cannot install their man in the presidency as yet (for one  
thing, Zuma is not a member of parliament), they'll ride out the next  
seven months until elections in April 2009. Pressure will be on them  
to act presidential, promote national unity and unite their own party.  
They are not in danger of losing the elections. The current batch of  
opposition parties are sadly irrelevant in South Africa, save in one  
of the nine provinces, the Western Cape, but the ANC would want to  
shore up its legitimacy among South Africa's poor (historically ANC  
supporters) who increasingly associate the ANC with rapacious wealth  
accumulation, corruption and power struggles and may withdraw from  
electoral politics.

The party may have weathered the first round in that transition: ANC  
deputy president Kgalema Motlanthe's pending inauguration as caretaker  
president until general elections has been welcomed without exception.  
Though he is close to the Zuma camp, he has a reputation as a mediator  
and comes across as above the fray.

The longer challenge is keeping the Zuma camp together. A motley crew  
of charismatic personalities with a penchant for speaking out of turn  
or prone to ridiculousness is at the front of the anti-Mbeki group.  
ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema has said he'd "take up arms" and  
"kill for Zuma". He also accused the country's judges of being "drunk"  
and "taking decisions in beer halls". Zwelinzima Vavi, the head of the  
trade union federation Cosatu, has uttered some of the same sentiments.

For now, the ANC Youth League (whose leaders publicly criticised  
Motlanthe when he defended the independence of the judiciary) has been  
reined in, according to reports from South Africa. The ANC Youth  
League was also quick to put its name to a media statement that  
implored members of Mbeki's cabinet not to follow Mbeki.

Zuma's alliance with the trade unions and communists are tenuous. The  
ANC president is defined more by his "anti-Mbeki" persona to these  
activists, rather than for his own politics, which are hardly left  
wing on a range of issues, including sexual politics, and though he  
has been exonerated of any specific corruption charges, he is still  
associated with corruption.

Since Mbeki's resignation, Zuma – playing to the markets – has  
promised that the government's economic policies would remain  
unchanged. Though Zuma's reassurances are predictable, it's not the  
kind of blank cheque on policy that his allies want to hear as their  
support for Zuma is largely premised, in their public rhetoric at  
least, on a critique of Mbeki's economic policies. Once the raison  
d'etre for the Zuma camp – their antipathy for Mbeki – runs its  
course, it is unclear what the grouping's future is.

Cosatu and the SACP also have problems of their own. Blade Nzimande,  
the SACP leader, purged anyone suspected as either pro-Mbeki or  
critical of Zuma. So did Cosatu, whose members may be wondering what  
the federation's primary business is.

Despite all the talk of "unity" from Zuma, expect the purging of  
cabinet and provincial and local government and party leaders  
perceived to be close to Mbeki, to continue. Since Mbeki's  
resignation, at least 11 cabinet members, including deputy president  
Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka – who owed their jobs to Mbeki – have followed  
him out of government. Others who resigned include close Mbeki allies  
like Alec Erwin (public enterprises) and Mosiuoa Lekota (defence).

The Zuma camp succeeded in having the leadership of the pro-Mbeki  
Western Cape provincial government leadership removed. (The nine  
provincial governments are akin to state governments elsewhere.) Two  
other provinces with pro-Mbeki leaderships have been targeted next:  
the North-West and Eastern Cape. These struggles are often violent. In  
the Western Cape, a provincial leader was stabbed in the neck. Over  
the weekend, police reported three men shot (one in the head and two  
in the leg) at an ANC meeting in the Eastern Cape.

And Mbeki is still not going quietly into the night. He gave notice to  
the constitutional court on Monday to file an appeal – both in his  
personal capacity and as head of the South African government –  
against the judge's decision in Zuma's latest trial that the executive  
may have interfered in Zuma's trail. Some of his supporters, largely  
limited in his home province in the Eastern Cape, have threatened to  
form a breakaway party (it worth remembering that he received 40% of  
delegates' votes at the December 2007 ANC national conference). But  
first they'd have to convince Mbeki to leave the ANC.

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Related
Sep 23 2008

Thabo Mbeki ousting sparks wave of political resignations
Sep 23 2008

ANC deputy leader expected to be interim president of South Africa
Sep 20 2008

Thabo Mbeki to step down as South African president after ANC request
Sep 18 2008

Prosecutors challenge ruling that cleared Zuma

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About this article
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Sean Jacobs: Jacob Zuma is in danger of being defined by his anti- 
Mbeki rhetoric
This article was first published on guardian.co.uk on Tuesday  
September 23 2008. It was last updated at 17:33 on September 23 2008.

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-------------------------------
Sean Jacobs
Concerned Africa Scholars
Online at http://concernedafricascholars.org/











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