[DEBATE] : Obama to Palestinians: Drop Dead (I'll help)

[mfleshman at aol.com]

So much for "change"  His Jerusalem comment was too much even for the 
Abu Mazen.


Remarks at AIPAC Policy Conference

Senator Barack Obama

June 4, 2008

As Prepared for Delivery

It’s great to see so many friends from across the country. I want to 
congratulate Howard Friedman, David Victor and Howard Kohr on a 
successful conference, and on the completion of a new headquarters just 
a few blocks away.

Before I begin, I want to say that I know some provocative emails have 
been circulating throughout Jewish communities across the country. A 
few of you may have gotten them. They’re filled with tall tales and 
dire warnings about a certain candidate for President. And all I want 
to say is – let me know if you see this guy named Barack Obama, because 
he sounds pretty frightening.

But if anyone has been confused by these emails, I want you to know 
that today I’ll be speaking from my heart, and as a true friend of 
Israel. And I know that when I visit with AIPAC, I am among friends. 
Good friends. Friends who share my strong commitment to make sure that 
the bond between the United States and Israel is unbreakable today, 
tomorrow, and forever.

One of the many things that I admire about AIPAC is that you fight for 
this common cause from the bottom up. The lifeblood of AIPAC is here in 
this room – grassroots activists of all ages, from all parts of the 
country, who come to Washington year after year to make your voices 
heard. Nothing reflects the face of AIPAC more than the 1,200 students 
who have travelled here to make it clear to the world that the bond 
between Israel and the United States is rooted in more than our shared 
national interests – it’s rooted in the shared values and shared 
stories of our people. And as President, I will work with you to ensure 
that it this bond strengthened.

I first became familiar with the story of Israel when I was eleven 
years old. I learned of the long journey and steady determination of 
the Jewish people to preserve their identity through faith, family and 
culture. Year after year, century after century, Jews carried on their 
traditions, and their dream of a homeland, in the face of impossible 
odds.

The story made a powerful impression on me. I had grown up without a 
sense of roots. My father was black, he was from Kenya, and he left us 
when I was two. My mother was white, she was from Kansas, and I’d moved 
with her to Indonesia and then back to Hawaii. In many ways, I didn’t 
know where I came from. So I was drawn to the belief that you could 
sustain a spiritual, emotional and cultural identity. And I deeply 
understood the Zionist idea – that there is always a homeland at the 
center of our story.

I also learned about the horror of the Holocaust, and the terrible 
urgency it brought to the journey home to Israel. For much of my 
childhood, I lived with my grandparents. My grandfather had served in 
World War II, and so had my great uncle. He was a Kansas boy, who 
probably never expected to see Europe – let alone the horrors that 
awaited him there. And for months after he came home from Germany, he 
remained in a state of shock, alone with the painful memories that 
wouldn’t leave his head.

You see, my great uncle had been a part of the 89th Infantry Division – 
the first Americans to reach a Nazi concentration camp. They liberated 
Ohrdruf, part of Buchenwald, on an April day in 1945. The horrors of 
that camp go beyond our capacity to imagine. Tens of thousands died of 
hunger, torture, disease, or plain murder – part of the Nazi killing 
machine that killed 6 million people.

When the Americans marched in, they discovered huge piles of dead 
bodies and starving survivors. General Eisenhower ordered Germans from 
the nearby town to tour the camp, so they could see what was being done 
in their name. He ordered American troops to tour the camp, so they 
could see the evil they were fighting against. He invited Congressmen 
and journalists to bear witness. And he ordered that photographs and 
films be made. Explaining his actions, Eisenhower said that he wanted 
to produce, “first-hand evidence of these things, if ever, in the 
future, there develops a tendency to charge these allegations merely to 
propaganda.”

I saw some of those very images at Yad Vashem, and they never leave 
you. And those images just hint at the stories that survivors of the 
Shoah carried with them. Like Eisenhower, each of us bears witness to 
anyone and everyone who would deny these unspeakable crimes, or ever 
speak of repeating them. We must mean what we say when we speak the 
words: “never again.”

It was just a few years after the liberation of the camps that David 
Ben-Gurion declared the founding of the Jewish State of Israel. We know 
that the establishment of Israel was just and necessary, rooted in 
centuries of struggle, and decades of patient work. But 60 years later, 
we know that we cannot relent, we cannot yield, and as President I will 
never compromise when it comes to Israel’s security.

Not when there are still voices that deny the Holocaust. Not when there 
are terrorist groups and political leaders committed to Israel’s 
destruction. Not when there are maps across the Middle East that don’t 
even acknowledge Israel’s existence, and government-funded textbooks 
filled with hatred toward Jews. Not when there are rockets raining down 
on Sderot, and Israeli children have to take a deep breath and summon 
uncommon courage every time they board a bus or walk to school.

I have long understood Israel’s quest for peace and need for security. 
But never more so than during my travels there two years ago. Flying in 
an IDF helicopter, I saw a narrow and beautiful strip of land nestled 
against the Mediterranean. On the ground, I met a family who saw their 
house destroyed by a Katyusha Rocket. I spoke to Israeli troops who 
faced daily threats as they maintained security near the blue line. I 
talked to people who wanted nothing more simple, or elusive, than a 
secure future for their children.

I have been proud to be a part of a strong, bi-partisan consensus that 
has stood by Israel in the face of all threats. That is a commitment 
that both John McCain and I share, because support for Israel in this 
country goes beyond party. But part of our commitment must be speaking 
up when Israel’s security is at risk, and I don’t think any of us can 
be satisfied that America’s recent foreign policy has made Israel more 
secure.

Hamas now controls Gaza. Hizbollah has tightened its grip on southern 
Lebanon, and is flexing its muscles in Beirut. Because of the war in 
Iraq, Iran – which always posed a greater threat to Israel than Iraq – 
is emboldened, and poses the greatest strategic challenge to the United 
States and Israel in the Middle East in a generation. Iraq is unstable, 
and al Qaeda has stepped up its recruitment. Israel’s quest for peace 
with its neighbors has stalled, despite the heavy burdens borne by the 
Israeli people. And America is more isolated in the region, reducing 
our strength and jeopardizing Israel’s safety.

The question is how to move forward. There are those who would continue 
and intensify this failed status quo, ignoring eight years of 
accumulated evidence that our foreign policy is dangerously flawed. And 
then there are those who would lay all of the problems of the Middle 
East at the doorstep of Israel and its supporters, as if the 
Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the root of all trouble in the region. 
These voices blame the Middle East’s only democracy for the region’s 
extremism. They offer the false promise that abandoning a stalwart ally 
is somehow the path to strength. It is not, it never has been, and it 
never will be.

Our alliance is based on shared interests and shared values. Those who 
threaten Israel threaten us. Israel has always faced these threats on 
the front lines. And I will bring to the White House an unshakeable 
commitment to Israel’s security.

That starts with ensuring Israel’s qualitative military advantage. I 
will ensure that Israel can defend itself from any threat – from Gaza 
to Tehran. Defense cooperation between the United States and Israel is 
a model of success, and must be deepened. As President, I will 
implement a Memorandum of Understanding that provides $30 billion in 
assistance to Israel over the next decade – investments to Israel’s 
security that will not be tied to any other nation. First, we must 
approve the foreign aid request for 2009. Going forward, we can enhance 
our cooperation on missile defense. We should export military equipment 
to our ally Israel under the same guidelines as NATO. And I will always 
stand up for Israel’s right to defend itself in the United Nations and 
around the world.

Across the political spectrum, Israelis understand that real security 
can only come through lasting peace. And that is why we – as friends of 
Israel – must resolve to do all we can to help Israel and its neighbors 
to achieve it. Because a secure, lasting peace is in Israel’s national 
interest. It is in America’s national interest. And it is in the 
interest of the Palestinian people and the Arab world. As President, I 
will work to help Israel achieve the goal of two states, a Jewish state 
of Israel and a Palestinian state, living side by side in peace and 
security. And I won’t wait until the waning days of my presidency. I 
will take an active role, and make a personal commitment to do all I 
can to advance the cause of peace from the start of my Administration.

The long road to peace requires Palestinian partners committed to 
making the journey. We must isolate Hamas unless and until they 
renounce terrorism, recognize Israel’s right to exist, and abide by 
past agreements. There is no room at the negotiating table for 
terrorist organizations. That is why I opposed holding elections in 
2006 with Hamas on the ballot. The Israelis and the Palestinian 
Authority warned us at the time against holding these elections. But 
this Administration pressed ahead, and the result is a Gaza controlled 
by Hamas, with rockets raining down on Israel.

The Palestinian people must understand that progress will not come 
through the false prophets of extremism or the corrupt use of foreign 
aid. The United States and the international community must stand by 
Palestinians who are committed to cracking down on terror and carrying 
the burden of peacemaking. I will strongly urge Arab governments to 
take steps to normalize relations with Israel, and to fulfill their 
responsibility to pressure extremists and provide real support for 
President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad. Egypt must cut off the 
smuggling of weapons into Gaza. Israel can also advance the cause of 
peace by taking appropriate steps – consistent with its security – to 
ease the freedom of movement for Palestinians, improve economic 
conditions in the West Bank, and to refrain from building new 
settlements – as it agreed to with the Bush Administration at 
Annapolis.

Let me be clear. Israel’s security is sacrosanct. It is non-negotiable. 
The Palestinians need a state that is contiguous and cohesive, and that 
allows them to prosper – but any agreement with the Palestinian people 
must preserve Israel’s identity as a Jewish state, with secure, 
recognized and defensible borders. Jerusalem will remain the capital of 
Israel, and it must remain undivided.

I have no illusions that this will be easy. It will require difficult 
decisions on both sides. But Israel is strong enough to achieve peace, 
if it has partners who are committed to the goal. Most Israelis and 
Palestinians want peace, and we must strengthen their hand. The United 
States must be a strong and consistent partner in this process – not to 
force concessions, but to help committed partners avoid stalemate and 
the kind of vacuums that are filled by violence. That’s what I commit 
to do as President of the United States.

The threats to Israel start close to home, but they don’t end there. 
Syria continues its support for terror and meddling in Lebanon. And 
Syria has taken dangerous steps in pursuit of weapons of mass 
destruction, which is why Israeli action was justified to end that 
threat.

I also believe that the United States has a responsibility to support 
Israel’s efforts to renew peace talks with the Syrians. We must never 
force Israel to the negotiating table, but neither should we ever block 
negotiations when Israel’s leaders decide that they may serve Israeli 
interests. As President, I will do whatever I can to help Israel 
succeed in these negotiations. And success will require the full 
enforcement of Security Council Resolution 1701 in Lebanon, and a stop 
to Syria’s support for terror. It is time for this reckless behavior to 
come to an end.

There is no greater threat to Israel – or to the peace and stability of 
the region – than Iran. Now this audience is made up of both 
Republicans and Democrats, and the enemies of Israel should have no 
doubt that, regardless of party, Americans stand shoulder-to-shoulder 
in our commitment to Israel’s security. So while I don't want to strike 
too partisan a note here today, I do want to address some willful 
mischaracterizations of my positions.

The Iranian regime supports violent extremists and challenges us across 
the region. It pursues a nuclear capability that could spark a 
dangerous arms race, and raise the prospect of a transfer of nuclear 
know-how to terrorists. Its President denies the Holocaust and 
threatens to wipe Israel off the map. The danger from Iran is grave, it 
is real, and my goal will be to eliminate this threat.

But just as we are clear-eyed about the threat, we must be clear about 
the failure of today’s policy. We knew, in 2002, that Iran supported 
terrorism. We knew Iran had an illicit nuclear program. We knew Iran 
posed a grave threat to Israel. But instead of pursuing a strategy to 
address this threat, we ignored it and instead invaded and occupied 
Iraq. When I opposed the war, I warned that it would fan the flames of 
extremism in the Middle East. That is precisely what happened in Iran – 
the hardliners tightened their grip, and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was 
elected President in 2005. And the United States and Israel are less 
secure.

I respect Senator McCain, and look forward to a substantive debate with 
him these next five months. But on this point, we have differed, and we 
will differ. Senator McCain refuses to understand or acknowledge the 
failure of the policy that he would continue. He criticizes my 
willingness to use strong diplomacy, but offers only an alternate 
reality – one where the war in Iraq has somehow put Iran on its heels. 
The truth is the opposite. Iran has strengthened its position. Iran is 
now enriching uranium, and has reportedly stockpiled 150 kilos of low 
enriched uranium. Its support for terrorism and threats toward Israel 
have increased. Those are the facts, they cannot be denied, and I 
refuse to continue a policy that has made the United States and Israel 
less secure.

Senator McCain offers a false choice: stay the course in Iraq, or cede 
the region to Iran. I reject this logic because there is a better way. 
Keeping all of our troops tied down indefinitely in Iraq is not the way 
to weaken Iran – it is precisely what has strengthened it. It is a 
policy for staying, not a plan for victory. I have proposed a 
responsible, phased redeployment of our troops from Iraq. We will get 
out as carefully as we were careless getting in. We will finally 
pressure Iraq’s leaders to take meaningful responsibility for their own 
future.

We will also use all elements of American power to pressure Iran. I 
will do everything in my power to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear 
weapon. That starts with aggressive, principled diplomacy without 
self-defeating preconditions, but with a clear-eyed understanding of 
our interests. We have no time to waste. We cannot unconditionally rule 
out an approach that could prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear 
weapon. We have tried limited, piecemeal talks while we outsource the 
sustained work to our European allies. It is time for the United States 
to lead.

There will be careful preparation. We will open up lines of 
communication, build an agenda, coordinate closely with our allies, and 
evaluate the potential for progress. Contrary to the claims of some, I 
have no interest in sitting down with our adversaries just for the sake 
of talking. But as President of the United States, I would be willing 
to lead tough and principled diplomacy with the appropriate Iranian 
leader at a time and place of my choosing – if, and only if – it can 
advance the interests of the United States.

Only recently have some come to think that diplomacy by definition 
cannot be tough. They forget the example of Truman, and Kennedy and 
Reagan. These Presidents understood that diplomacy backed by real 
leverage was a fundamental tool of statecraft. And it is time to once 
again make American diplomacy a tool to succeed, not just a means of 
containing failure. We will pursue this diplomacy with no illusions 
about the Iranian regime. Instead, we will present a clear choice. If 
you abandon your dangerous nuclear program, support for terror, and 
threats to Israel, there will be meaningful incentives – including the 
lifting of sanctions, and political and economic integration with the 
international community. If you refuse, we will ratchet up the 
pressure.

My presidency will strengthen our hand as we restore our standing. Our 
willingness to pursue diplomacy will make it easier to mobilize others 
to join our cause. If Iran fails to change course when presented with 
this choice by the United States, it will be clear – to the people of 
Iran, and to the world – that the Iranian regime is the author of its 
own isolation. That will strengthen our hand with Russia and China as 
we insist on stronger sanctions in the Security Council. And we should 
work with Europe, Japan and the Gulf states to find every avenue 
outside the UN to isolate the Iranian regime – from cutting off loan 
guarantees and expanding financial sanctions, to banning the export of 
refined petroleum to Iran, to boycotting firms associated with the 
Iranian Revolutionary Guard, whose Quds force has rightly been labeled 
a terrorist organization.

I was interested to see Senator McCain propose divestment as a source 
of leverage – not the bigoted divestment that has sought to punish 
Israeli scientists and academics, but divestment targeted at the 
Iranian regime. It’s a good concept, but not a new one. I introduced 
legislation over a year ago that would encourage states and the private 
sector to divest from companies that do business in Iran. This bill has 
bipartisan support, but for reasons that I’ll let him explain, Senator 
McCain never signed on. Meanwhile, an anonymous Senator is blocking the 
bill. It is time to pass this into law so that we can tighten the 
squeeze on the Iranian regime. We should also pursue other unilateral 
sanctions that target Iranian banks and assets.

And we must free ourselves from the tyranny of oil. The price of a 
barrel of oil is one of the most dangerous weapons in the world. 
Petrodollars pay for weapons that kill American troops and Israeli 
citizens. And the Bush Administration’s policies have driven up the 
price of oil, while its energy policy has made us more dependent on 
foreign oil and gas. It’s time for the United States to take real steps 
to end our addiction to oil. And we can join with Israel, building on 
last year’s US-Israel Energy Cooperation Act, to deepen our partnership 
in developing alternative sources of energy by increasing scientific 
collaboration and joint research and development. The surest way to 
increase our leverage in the long term is to stop bankrolling the 
Iranian regime.

Finally, let there be no doubt: I will always keep the threat of 
military action on the table to defend our security and our ally 
Israel. Sometimes there are no alternatives to confrontation. But that 
only makes diplomacy more important. If we must use military force, we 
are more likely to succeed, and will have far greater support at home 
and abroad, if we have exhausted our diplomatic efforts.

That is the change we need in our foreign policy. Change that restores 
American power and influence. Change accompanied by a pledge that I 
will make known to allies and adversaries alike: that America maintains 
an unwavering friendship with Israel, and an unshakeable commitment to 
its security.

As members of AIPAC, you have helped advance this bipartisan consensus 
to support and defend our ally Israel. And I am sure that today on 
Capitol Hill you will be meeting with members of Congress and spreading 
the word. But we are here because of more than policy. We are here 
because the values we hold dear are deeply embedded in the story of 
Israel.

Just look at what Israel has accomplished in 60 years. From decades of 
struggle and the terrible wake of the Holocaust, a nation was forged to 
provide a home for Jews from all corners of the world – from Syria to 
Ethiopia to the Soviet Union. In the face of constant threats, Israel 
has triumphed. In the face of constant peril, Israel has prospered. In 
a state of constant insecurity, Israel has maintained a vibrant and 
open discourse, and a resilient commitment to the rule of law.

As any Israeli will tell you, Israel is not a perfect place, but like 
the United States it sets an example for all when it seeks a more 
perfect future. These same qualities can be found among American Jews. 
It is why so many Jewish Americans have stood by Israel, while 
advancing the American story. Because there is a commitment embedded in 
the Jewish faith and tradition: to freedom and fairness; to social 
justice and equal opportunity. To tikkun olam – the obligation to 
repair this world.

I will never forget that I would not be standing here today if it 
weren’t for that commitment. In the great social movements in our 
country’s history, Jewish and African Americans have stood shoulder to 
shoulder. They took buses down south together. They marched together. 
They bled together. And Jewish Americans like Andrew Goodman and 
Michael Schwerner were willing to die alongside a black man – James 
Chaney – on behalf of freedom and equality.

Their legacy is our inheritance. We must not allow the relationship 
between Jews and African Americans to suffer. This is a bond that must 
be strengthened. Together, we can rededicate ourselves to end prejudice 
and combat hatred in all of its forms. Together, we can renew our 
commitment to justice. Together, we can join our voices together, and 
in doing so make even the mightiest of walls fall down.

That work must include our shared commitment to Israel. You and I know 
that we must do more than stand still. Now is the time to be vigilant 
in facing down every foe, just as we move forward in seeking a future 
of peace for the children of Israel, and for all children. Now is the 
time to stand by Israel as it writes the next chapter in its 
extraordinary journey. Now is the time to join together in the work of 
repairing this world.