[DEBATE] : (Fwd) Kwinjeh on Zim transition

[Patrick Bond]

http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com/story.php?art_id=3311&cat=4

Building a Lasting Legacy! - New diaspora organisation launched

By Grace Kwinjeh

“Zimbabwe-Dangers of elite transitions lessons from Kenya
& South Africa,”- “Nothing for us – without us.”

I WOULD like to start by expressing my most sincere gratitude to the 
organizers of the Global Diaspora Forum, for according me this 
opportunity of be part of this historic process, in Zimbabwe’s Diasporan 
politics. Yes, we Zimbabweans in the Diaspora have organized ourselves 
in various ways, formations and structures, since the attainment of 
independence, but this is the first time that our diverse views, 
energies and agendas, have been pooled together, in an endeavor to find 
a way forward in our articulation of the crisis bedeviling our dear 
country Zimbabwe. The problematical today, in terms of the economic, 
political and social crisis is of great concern to us Diasporans, 
because the longer the struggle, the longer we will also be stuck in the 
Diaspora, some of us voluntary some of us not.

Comrades, I take great pride as a feminist to have been asked to speak 
on a topic I feel passionate about, ‘elite transitions’, and thank the 
organizers that they have placed this appropriately under the thematic 
area on; ‘Citizenship and Political Participation’.

I would like to raise the issue of citizenship first and what it means 
for us as black women in the Diaspora and in general. Citizenship 
entails belonging, identity, nationality, issues that have boggled us as 
women for a long time even in our own countries of origin, and so it 
becomes a toll order to discuss this here as a foreigner, in a 
different, political context. Feminist, Patricia Macffaden, says, “For 
me a citizen is one who has legal, social, cultural rights and 
entitlements through the formal recognition of his/her personhood within 
a specific geopolitical space which is called or named a country. The 
physicality of an individual therefore should be the least important 
aspect in terms of accessing and exercising these rights and 
entitlements. What I look like, my physical form and my color should be 
merely incidental. But this is not the case because rights and 
entitlements are gendered, they are sites of contestation and 
citizenship plays itself out physically in terms of two major 
constructs: gender and race.

And so then can we link citizenship or identity politics to political 
participation and ‘elite- transitions’ ? Comrades, I want to argue that 
the essence of democracy is participation, an avenue for people to earn 
their citizenship is through full franchise, in political processes.

It is in this context that I will go further to say that if in the 
struggle your franchise, identity, or belonging, conferred by 
citizenship has not been recognized then there is no participation to 
talk of popular or otherwise. Already in terms of national politics we 
are disenfranchised, the fact of the matter being that we have been left 
out important political processes. The worst being the denial of our 
right to vote. Thus, the relevance of this forum.

How can we learn from the Kenyan and South-African experience that what 
ever deal or solution is modeled on our behalf as a citizenry in our 
capacity as absentee citizens -- now numerically estimated to be at 
least 4 million people outside Zimbabwe’s borders will have no political 
relevance or legitimacy, as it will lack our popular participation.
The clarion call for many in the global social movement over the past 
years of organized resistance against the right wing insurgence, and its 
global capitalist agenda, driven through neo-liberal policies as 
advanced, by International Institutions, such as the Bretton Woods and 
the World Trade Organisation, that have devasted our livelihoods, has 
been 'Nothing for us-without us'.

That is because comrades for a long time, our national elites, working 
in cahoots with the global capitalist class have left us out of 
important political, economic and social processes in making major 
decisions such as the adoption of the much criticised Structural 
Adjustment Programmes, (SAPs). The ill effects or impacts of which have 
been agonizingly felt as much by we Zimbabweans as our other comrades in 
the remainder of the Third World.

And so can we agree here that the major post-colonial problem for us 
Africans has been a democratic deficit, characterized, largely, by a 
lack of our participation on issues to do with economic and political 
governance? I want to advance here that the leadership crisis, 
accompanied by a democratic deficit, characterized by high levels of 
corruption, both economic and political, is a result of the 
democratically inimical neo-liberal regime which advances, top-down 
methods of economic and political administration, and is so tolerant of 
corruption to the exclusion of participative decision-making in these 
matters. Unfortunately, as I will argue later in the paper, this model 
or framework, is replicating itself even in our broader democratic movement.

How can this forum benefit from lessons in political processes in Kenya 
and South-Africa and how can these help us in mapping a realistic way 
forward?

We meet days before SA or rather the ruling African National Congress, 
(ANC) holds its 52nd National Conference, an event that relates to us in 
many ways. When SA gained her independence against the apartheid regime, 
I remember as a young excited journalist writing on the ‘winds of 
change’ blowing across southern Africa. The new democratic Constitution, 
more women’s representation in political structures especially the 
legislature, media freedom, I saw this as a conclusion of our liberation 
process in the region. I thought SA would lift the rest of the continent 
with her.

So what then went wrong? Why is there a big debate going on in SA today, 
on many fronts, social, political and economical, why are South Africans 
not satisfied with their democracy? SA has one of the highest number of 
social demonstrantions, in the world, today, per person per square 
kilometer.

Activist Trevor Ngwane writes, ‘The South African workers movement was 
atypical in that in the 1980’s when most workers’ movements were under 
attack and in retreat in the world, it appeared to be moving strongly 
ahead, making history by overthrowing the formidable apartheid regime. 
However, the moment of triumph proved to be a ‘defeat in victory’ as the 
price for getting rid of apartheid was paid in one of the biggest 
political and ideological somersaults as the new government of 
liberation embraced capitalism and chose the neo-liberal path. The ANC 
government and its allies proceeded to demobilize and deactivate the 
workers movement and its dream of socialism and a better life for all.’

And so today, here in SA, there is an apparent war raging between, the 
left and the right characterized by an ideological rapture, among the 
alliance partners, COSATU, SACP and the ANC, which seems to have found 
expression in the ANC succession battle.

Comrades, our struggle is more intensely fierce than we act it out to 
be. The political discourse here in SA, however has many lessons for us 
especially on how not to run a peoples struggle or revolution and the 
intended product. What the comrades on the left or the social movements 
here are saying in terms of the deal that saw the demise of apartheid 
and their experience there-after, is that it was an elite deal that did 
not change the structural or economic reality that existed before 
apartheid. Thus today SA suffers from a Colonialism of a Special Type, 
(CST).

Speaking at a COSATU Central Committee meeting, SACP Secretary General, 
Blade Nzimande made a no holds barred presentation on the state of the 
National Democratic Revolution (NDR). In a paper titled, The revolution 
is on trial (2): Decisive working class intervention is of absolute 
necessity, Nzimande gave four points threatening the revolution the 
first point being;

“Firstly, despite the many important and welcome advances made by our 
revolution over the last 13 years, the fundamental problem remains that 
we have not succeeded in changing the colonial character of our economy. 
In other words, ours is a revolution with some (significant), working 
class buttressed political power, but without economic power. This means 
that much as the national liberation movement has ascended to political 
power, but economic power still remains in the hands of the same old 
white (monopoly) capitalist class as under apartheid. Despite some black 
economic empowerment and advancement, this has largely benefited a 
small, and highly dependent and parasitic black section of the 
capitalist class, without any fundamental change in the ownership of 
wealth in our country, nor any significant changes in the character of 
South Africa‘s workplace. This poses a serious threat to the 
consolidation of the national democratic revolution.”

South Africa suffered what Professor Patrick Bond and others termed an 
elite transition, a source of much of the current contention between the 
ruling elites and the masses. The neo-liberal agenda or project has been 
able to reproduce itself with the tacit support of the black elite.

Turning to Kenya comrades, my heart bleeds again, for many reasons, the 
main being I was once again amongst you, who celebrated Daniel Arap 
Moi’s demise, when the National Rainbow Coalition, (NARC) made it into 
power in 2002. NARC made many electoral promises, chief among which was 
the end of corruption and the adoption of a new democratic Constitution. 
To date Kenya, has achieved none of the above. What lesson then is there 
in the Kenyan experience, just like in the above SA experience?

As Kenya prepares for another General election, on the 27th of December, 
the issues remain the same, development, corruption and a democratic 
Constitution, with the political terrain being contested around these 
three issues. “Thus, it was the promise of a comprehensive political and 
economic change that swept NARC (National Alliance Rainbow Coalition- an 
amalgamation of political parties) to power in late 2002. At that time, 
Mr Mwai Kibaki, the then leader of the coalition, was escorted around by 
a jubilant crowd singing, "Yote yawezekana bila Moi" (All is possible 
without Moi). This time round as Kenya goes to elections; he is the one 
under siege, facing the stiffest challenge of his political career so 
far. Those who were with him in 2002 — Mr Raila Odinga, Mr Kalonzo 
Musyoka and Mrs Charity Ngilu — will be playing a different song. Mr 
Odinga’s Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) and his former ally Mr Musyoka 
(of ‘Orange Democratic Movement-Kenya’- a breakaway faction of the ODM) 
are Mr Kibaki and his PNU’s (Party of National Unity) primary 
challengers in this year’s general elections,” writes Ronald Elly Wanda .

The above scenario comrades, of political factionalism, oiled by 
corruption, lack of accountability, is once again unfortunately residual 
of the Moi culture. Kenya got rid of Moi but not Moism. Thus the battle 
against Moism continues today.

On corruption an alarming example, comes form the controversial Kroll 
Associates report part of which reads, of Moi’s sons Phillip and Gideon, 
“It is understood that Philip has an estimated wealth of approximately 
$770 million and controls more hidden cash than Gideon, even though 
significant attention has been directed at the latter. Whether by design 
or otherwise, the media more commonly associates Philip with motor 
vehicle tax fraud and other low-down economic vices. Therefore, unlike 
Gideon who would mainly wait for government-funded projects to broker 
deals, Philip's money machine was continuously churning out liquid cash 
on daily basis. At a local level there is no single company in which 
Philip holds shares directly. He uses proxies who range from low key 
Asians and houseboys who know little about the wealth in their names.”

Again, one would not need to go into the John Githongo, report on 
corruption under the Kibaki administration, which saw the siphoning of 
billions of Kenyan shillings, from Government into none existent companies.

After losing the 2005 referendum for a new Government sponsored 
constitution, Kibaki fired his whole cabinet, of his decision he said, 
"Following the results of the Referendum, it has become necessary for 
me, as the President of the Republic, to re-organise my Government to 
make it more cohesive and better able to serve the people of Kenya."

It is therefore important at this juncture, that I want to go into our 
own Zimbabwean scenario. Comrades, I truly believe that for our Social 
Liberation Movement, to wage the struggle against the dictatorship’s 
tyrannical rule, to its logical conclusion, with all the intended 
benefits, based on tenets or values of social democracy it is important 
to revisit some of these concepts. In view of the above topic, to do 
with a meaningful people centred participation that will produce 
meaningful results, one that we had set out to achieve in the first place.

One that scores have lost their lives for, thousands arrested, many 
tortured, with the displaced well represented here today.

Sadly, comrades, I want to advance that our activism, or opposition 
politics that is in the broader political Movement, is haunted by the 
three headed beast of – race, class and gender, carrying with it the 
real danger of reproducing the above historic mishaps.

Comrades, I would like to advance that unless these are dealt with, 
through a proper soul searching, and reflection process, then our 
struggle too like the examples we have witnessed above might not be 
worth it.

Our struggle was initiated and driven on the basis of very utopian and 
idealistic, goals which were based on the notion that it was possible to 
bring together different interests groups, workers, farmers, bosses, 
women, men, youth, on a collective agenda that would equally benefit all 
players.

However, comrades, the state of our Movement, clearly shows that, our 
agendas are in constant contestation, thus some of the tensions and 
fractures we are witnessing today.

Comrades, social democracy has succeeded in some western countries 
because of their levels of political maturity, accompanied by economic 
success and progress, however in a poor third world country such as 
ours, the double scourge of dictatorship and poverty makes this almost 
impossible.

Thus, participation in the different aspects of the social liberation 
movement, has to be scrutinized, in terms of changing dynamics over the 
years since, the inception of the two broad based mass movements, one 
for constitutional reform, led by the National Constitutional Assembly 
(NCA) and the political movement led by the Movement for Democratic 
Change (MDC), without excluding other civic players, such as those, in 
the women’s, students and labour movement.

All components to be defined in this paper, as the Movement, made up of 
people and groups, that at the time felt disenfranchised, with a common 
desire for freedom, justice and democracy.

The three headed beast was first nurtured by our initial denial that the 
Movement, should be operated on the basis of ideological aspirations, 
based on what the components of the Movement had been agitating in their 
individual programmes, over the years.

In a prophetic writing on the fault lines that were beginning to show in 
the Movement, in 2003, Lawyer and Activist, Brian Kagoro wrote, “When 
the MDC was created, the actors were bound together by the possibility 
of dislodging Mugabe through an electoral process. The thinking was that 
issues of ideology and participation would be negotiated once this was 
accomplished, although in fact much was done to avert clashes of 
interests between the doves and the hawks, the leftists and the 
conservatives, the young and the old, patriarchy and feminists; the list 
is endless. The post-presidential election period requires the MDC to 
define a new set of values (inspirational and strategic) that will keep 
the bond intact. There are evident cracks, with some sectors calling for 
mass uprising whilst others prescribe negotiations and international 
intervention. Feminists within the party are beginning to demand more 
gender-sensitive policies and workers are now more vocal about their 
interests. The lines of synergy are being increasingly blurred.”

Secondly, our failure to anticipate a long struggle whose terrain would 
be prone to change, given the political and economic circumstances, such 
as increased violence, State terrorism in all its forms and economic 
decline, sees us today faced with fresh dynamics altogether. We did not 
anticipate catastrophic unemployment levels, high inflation, empty 
petrol tanks and the rapid collapse of our education and health systems.

The face of activism has changed, it is now about jobs, creating what 
others are now dubbing a ‘struggle aristocracy’, so whether you are the 
Director of an NGO, or the leader of a certain movement, you are forced 
to navigate the struggle around safer waters, that ensure your own 
stability and survival. This group is also not open to change, around 
contested areas, mainly to do with popular participation, internal 
democracy, accountability and succession issues. And corruption a by 
product.

Thirdly, dire poverty has resulted in the creation of a structure of 
dependency especially, among another exploited disenfranchised group the 
youth, and the ‘mudhara’ fashion. ‘Mudhara’ the patriarch in his many 
forms, is a source of small funds to the youths, creating another 
culture of patronage and dependency. That again compromises the youths 
participation in political processes.

The economic decline has also exposed the Movement, to exploitation, by 
elites with political interests, thus the centre for activism and 
leadership renewal, has rapidly changed from mass based zones, the shop 
floor, High-fields, Budiriro, to elite zones, as political power becomes 
an obsession, versus social liberation. The issue is now more to do with 
what can be secured politically other than what can be obtained, through 
mass movement organization and reform of the Zanu political culture. The 
way the political ship is being navigated is around certain interests 
and not sacrosanct principles, take the vote for Constitutional 
Amendment 18 for instance, in September, which was done without prior 
consultation or popular support.

The “revolutionary aristocracy” leadership has clearly shown us that our 
Movement is in trouble comrades, we are operating ironically in the 
framework set by nationalists in post-colonial Africa embracing all its 
characteristics we had painstakingly sought to defeat in the first place.

As Frantz Fanon prophesied of the national middle-class after 
independence, "In its beginnings, the national bourgeoisie of the 
colonial country identifies itself with the decadence of the West. We 
need not think that it is jumping ahead; it is in fact beginning at the 
end. It is already senile before it has come to know the petulance, the 
fearlessness, or the will to succeed of youth.”

This marginalization of many of the social partners, from centres of 
power and decision-making and activism, is not coincidental, or 
accidental, thus as we are informed each day of President Thabo Mbeki’s, 
SADC mandated mediation process, as a people whose future is being 
prepared for not as legitimate stakeholders of the process, a situation 
equivalent to the 1979 Lancaster House Conference. In the sense that the 
previously disenfranchised groups are still, Othered, in Feminist lingo, 
and fighting for space to be recognized, take the Feminist movement for 
instance, writing in the Mail and Guardian, feminist, Everjoice Win 
said, “Whatever "deal" is worked out to resolve Zimbabwe's crisis, women 
and their rights should be at the centre of it.

We want feminists -- women who care about the rights of other women and 
who are prepared to rock the patriarchal boat -- to be in leadership 
positions and to be there when the deal is made. Women want a new and 
comprehensive Constitution that guarantees their rights. This includes a 
provision which clearly states that customary law and tradition must not 
violate international human rights, norms and standards. We want to see 
a complete overhaul of a political system that has seen women reduced to 
political cheerleaders, or worse, sex workers with few economic 
prospects and the lowest life expectancy in the world.”

Wins vision of a complete reconstruction of our gender and class 
relations, through economic transformation is further elaborated by 
Horace Campbell, on the contradictions in the nationalist struggle, “the 
principal contradiction of the nationalist struggle was the failure to 
address patriarchy and masculinity as integral components of the 
struggle against oppression and injustice.” The same contradictions are 
there in our Movement today.

Going further, on the connection between nationalism, liberation and 
transformation, war veteran, Wilfred Mhanda, said in an interview with 
Swradioafrica : As far as I am concerned, Mugabe is a nationalist. I'm 
not a nationalist and I was never a nationalist. Nationalists were just 
fighting against colonialism to substitute colonial regimes with 
themselves. The political movements like the ANC of South Africa, ZANU, 
ZAPU, the ANC of Zimbabwe, they were all nationalist movements which 
later transformed into liberation movements. Being a liberation movement 
is qualitatively higher than being a nationalist movement. Structurally, 
the goal of nationalism is not very progressive. It doesn't aim and it 
doesn't have as its goal - the transformation of society to serve the 
people's needs. It just has at its goal the elite; the black elite; 
stepping into the white elite. That is the problem we have had in Africa 
which has ended up in re-enforcing neo colonialism. So, I really don't 
subscribe to the notion of nationalism.”

The other issue that we have been afraid to talk about that needs 
demystification is the race issue. It is fundamental to the discourse on 
where we want to go because, comrades, Feminist critique has it that our 
racial relations, are still embedded in the same old notions of white 
superiority, in which we as black women are often the most exploited and 
marginalized group, in political processes – as compared to black or 
white males. Because of the way Mugabe, a beneficiary of white 
capitalism has played this card, you cannot call for racial equality in 
our struggle without seeming to be playing into his hands. I say let us 
talk about it, as it is necessary in the transformation of our political 
culture.

Lastly, just as the contestation here in SA is also around, economic 
justice matters, Zimbabwe’s struggle now seems to be rooted in two 
contradictory, notions, the first being the nationalist doctrine, ‘seek 
ye first the political kingdom, the rest shall follow,’ or the 
Thatcherite, TINA dictum, There is No Alternative, to the global 
neo-liberal agenda, to what is being placed on the table for us. Both 
notions once again do not recognize popular participation.

Comrades, these have been my own reflections on elite transitions and 
the dangers we are faced with in the future political dispensation, 
should we not seek ourselves to change the way we are carrying out the 
business of liberating our country. The quandary that we are in is real 
and calls for a proper transformation of our Movement, it calls for 
aggressively cutting off each of the heads on the beast.

I want to end by saying there is an alternative, comrades, one that we 
can all work on, one that we can make to work. That alternative is based 
on us saying Never again, shall we as a people go through what Zanu PF 
has put us through. As we chat a new way forward, into a new era, of 
peace and abundance comrades I want to say that the struggle has not 
been in vain, but there is hope. This important process here of the 
Global Diaspora Forum should be part of that process of engendering I 
thank you.