[DEBATE] : (Fwd) Pilger on Venezuela coverage
Patrick Bond
pbond at mail.ngo.za
Wed Dec 12 14:23:11 GMT 2007
(We're anticipating two visits from John Pilger next year, first to get
a doctorate at Rhodes journalism and do a Wolpe lecture and Time of the
Writer speech at UKZN in late March, and again in late July to screen
his Venezuela film.)
http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/2980
December 9th 2007, by John Pilger - Comment is free
The book of which I am most proud is Tell Me No Lies: Investigative
Journalism and its Triumphs. It was a long-held ambition of mine to
bring together the work of those I considered the greatest journalists
of my lifetime: the "honourable exceptions" of my craft. In paying
tribute to them, I wanted to demonstrate to young journalists a calibre
of truth-telling to which they might aspire. There is the reporting of
Martha Gellhorn, Edward R Murrow, James Cameron, Seymour Hersh, Paul
Foot, Robert Fisk, Jessica Mitford and the Guardian's Seumas Milne and
Richard Norton-Taylor among others.
In celebrating those who kept and continue to keep the record straight -
the basis of all good journalism - I also recognise the need to identify
the example of those at the other end of the spectrum, whose work is
hardly journalism at all, but who possess the power of exposure in the
so-called mainstream media.
On March 28 2006 I described here a report broadcast on Channel 4 News
the previous night by its Washington correspondent, Jonathan Rugman.
Rugman is pretty typical of television's Washington correspondents; he
reports as if embedded, when, in fact, his work is voluntary. What
distinguishes him is his reporting from Venezuela. Rugman's brief visit
last year to Caracas, the capital of Venezuela, produced what I
described here as "one of the worst, most distorted pieces of journalism
I have ever seen qualifying as crude propaganda". This was a piece, I
wrote, "which might as well have been written by the US state
department". For example, he described Maria Corina Machado as a "human
rights activist". In fact, she was a leader of Sumate, an extreme
rightwing organisation, who had been welcomed to the White House by
George Bush himself. He caricatured Hugo Chávez as a buffoon dictator.
In fact, he is an authentic product of a popular political movement that
began in 1989 who has won more democratic elections than any leader on
earth. Rugman reported that Chávez was helping Iran develop a nuclear
weapon. In fact, this is laughable - see the US National Intelligence
Estimate report published on December 3 2007. At the end of his
performance, Rugman complained dramatically to the camera that he had
been "held for 30 hours" by police in Caracas. In fact, he had walked
into a military base and, surprise, surprise, was apprehended - as he
would be on any Ministry of Defence establishment in Britain - and
Venezuela is a country whose president two years earlier had been
temporarily overthrown in a military coup. In fact, Chávez himself
arranged for Rugman's speedy release. Rugman's "report" was so absurd
that Channel 4 News, which maintains a reputation, was inundated with
complaints and, as I was told, "embarrassed" - though not embarrassed
enough to desist from sending Rugman back to Venezuela for yesterday's
important constitutional referendum.
Chávez narrowly lost the referendum. His government wanted to change a
number of articles in the Venezuelan constitution that would define what
he has called "socialism for the 21st century", including allowing the
president to stand in unlimited elections (which leaders in Britain,
Canada, Australia and many other countries can do). But many of his own
supporters were unconvinced and probably confused as to why they were
being called upon to vote yet again, and 3 million of them abstained.
Ironically, the result actually reaffirmed the health of democracy in
Venezuela and served to ridicule the incessant media propaganda that
Chávez was a "dictator" and a "tyrant". In a gracious speech conceding
defeat, Chávez congratulated the opposition and invited them to
celebrate. His tone was the antithesis of the media-led campaign. On the
eve of the referendum, closeted with Venezuela's rich minority, Jonathan
Rugman allowed them to call Chávez a communist, which he isn't. "It's as
bad that?" he contributed.
Presenting these people as victims, he said nothing about their history
of rapacious privilege or that their wealth was actually increasing
under Chávez. He allowed, unsubstantiated, histrionics such as, "There
are Chávez supporters [who] will kill me." His clever cameraperson
filmed soldiers from the boots up at polling stations - soldiers who,
according to Rugman, instead of saluting cry out "for the fatherland and
socialism". That they were guarding an election process internationally
recognised and commended was not mentioned, neither was the fact that
opposition monitors had announced they were pleased with the conduct of
the election. For a spot of "balance", he toured what he called the
"slums" and found "rubbish in the streets" and milk missing from
otherwise abundantly stocked supermarkets. His script was crudely
juxtaposed with images showing a screaming child being given an
injection over which Rugman commented that "this is how Chávez is
injecting his vast oil wealth just where it's needed most". "Chávez
loyalists," said Rugman, "will control parliament." Imagine Channel 4
News describing Labour's electoral majority in the Commons as "Labour's
loyalists control parliament."
He diminished or ignored the majority of the proposed constitutional
changes including those that would reduce the working week from 44 hours
to 36 hours; extend social security benefits to 5 million Venezuelans
who work in the "informal economy" - street vendors and the like; end
discrimination on the basis of gender - unprecedented in Latin America;
lower the minimum voting age from 18 to 16, also unprecedented; and
recognise Venezuela's African-Venezuelan heritage and multiculturalism
as a step towards ending the rampant racism practised by a wealthy elite
reminiscent of white South Africa under apartheid.
With the referendum results announced, Rugman rejoiced with a crowd of
the well-off in Caracas. He declared that "the air is seeping out of the
socialist revolution". Disgracefully, he reported that "[the opposition]
feared that [Chávez] would rig the ballots against them" - when the
opposite was both true and confirmed.
Propaganda such as this is an accurate reflection of the Venezuela
media, which is overwhelmingly anti-Chávez and pro-Washington and was
complicit in the lawless 2002 coup. As one of the coup plotters said,
"Our secret weapon was the media." Dressed as journalism, it seeks not
to inform, but to discredit - in this case, demonstrably one of the most
original and imaginative and hopeful democratic experiments in the
world. In doing so, it blocks real debate on issues such as those that
led Chávez supporters to abstain and a definition of Venezuela's
proclaimed "socialism" as well as the natural tension between the state
and the grass roots. It is the same propaganda that has closed down
debate elsewhere and helped to see off Allende in Chile, the Sandinistas
in Nicaragua and Astride in Haiti, not to mention a long list of those
on other continents who have tried to raise their people out of poverty
and despair. This is journalism as the agency of power, not people,
unrelated in all ways to the craft of a Gellhorn, a Cameron, a Murrow, a
Hersh.
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