[DEBATE] : (Fwd) Ngonyama on Zuma etc

[Patrick Bond]

Percy Ngonyama 29 May 2006

Last year, in one of his rare interviews with a South African radio 
station, Thabo Mbeki told listeners of the now defunct Metro FM’s ‘Given 
Mukari Show’ that ANC members and structures “would laugh” at anyone 
suggesting they had become ‘rubber-stamps’ of a technocratic presidency.

Mbeki seemed to suggest that ANC branches play a huge role in the 
adoption of policy.

When sentiments of an undemocratic and ‘sub-imperial’ presidency were 
echoed by former Cape Town Anglican Church Archbishop Desmond Tutu, he 
was ridiculed and accused by, Mbeki and his many hangers on in the ANC 
and the many sycophants in government, of being “ignorant” and ill 
informed about the functioning of the ANC, since he had never been a 
member of the organisation. Grossly humiliated and, most probably, 
surprised by such antagonistic commentary, Tutu was silent.

Laughable for most people, especially those within the left [outside and 
within the tripartite alliance] would be Mbeki’s disingenuous 
insinuations that working class ANC branch members are responsible for 
the current economic policies that have condemned them to living 
conditions most would find unsuitable for even their pets.

Very Strong claims of power centralisation around the presidency have 
once again surfaced. This time around from a very ‘credible’ element, 
even according to Mbeki’s standards, of the tripartite alliance.

The South African Communist Party and Cosatu have, in an unprecedented 
manner, strongly condemned Mbeki’s Machiavellian leadership style, 
which, the SACP argues, has rendered parliament ineffective, and Cosatu 
argues might lead to a Zimbabwe autocratic situation. Both the SACP and 
Cosatu have also reiterated their dissatisfaction with the current 
anti-poor neo-liberal route the ANC government has taken.

Indeed, the very nature of the current unpopular macro-economic policies 
demand a technocratic style of leadership.

It would take someone like SA’s ‘Denialist-In-Chief’-Mbeki- to dispute 
credible claims that the ANC masses are excluded in the formulation and 
implementation of pro-rich market-friendly policies, such as the 
infamous Growth Employment and Redistribution Programme (GEAR), which 
advocates for privatisation and outsourcing of basic services by 
municipalities, with dire consequences.

It is however very crucial to place these current attacks on Mbeki in a 
correct context: While it is not doubtful that Cosatu and the SACP are 
pro-working class, it would be very naïve not to make connections 
between the current renewed attacks on Mbeki and his capitalist 
market-friendly policies that have rendered democracy and freedom 
enigmatic for the masses, and the ongoing Zuma saga.

Certainly, Zuma has become a symbol of resistance for all those 
dissatisfied with government’s cosy relationship with the private sector 
at the expense of the working class.

A large majority of Zuma supporters are mostly poor people who, having 
seen no improvements in their lives in the past twelve years of 
so-called democracy, honestly feel that a Zuma presidency will deliver 
the elusive “Better life for All” or maybe even result in the fulfilment 
of “A people’s contract to create jobs and fight poverty”

To a large extent this sense of hope has been fuelled by the SACP and 
Cosatu’s unyielding support for the former Deputy President. On a number 
of occasions, Zuma, because of his disadvantaged background in rural 
Inkandla, has been portrayed as a friend of the working class and the poor.

A messages printed on a SASCO [an affiliate of the ANC Youth League-a 
strong member of the Zuma camp] t-shirts equates support for Zuma to 
support for the “revolution” To many, justifiably so, this implies that 
Mbeki no longer represents the “revolution”, but Zuma does. Within 
progressive pro-poor anti-capitalist formations, the question would be: 
What revolution?

Implications that a Zuma presidency will be pro-working class are 
grossly misleading, particularly, given ‘Msholozi’s’ lavish bourgeois 
lifestyle and the capitalist nature of some of his close associates who 
continue to ‘take care’ of his huge legal costs.

In 2005, internationally renowned investigative journalist Max du Preez 
asked a very critical question: “When did Zuma become a friend of the 
poor? The day he got fired”

Unsurprisingly, none of his staunchest supporters, within the left of 
the alliance, have provided an answer to this very valid question.

Therefore, to suggest that Zuma is a friend of the working class or has 
a left political orientation is laughable. Zuma’s actions and latest 
pro- working class rhetoric and tendencies, are clearly opportunistic. 
The SACP and Cosatu, with their strong working class following, are his 
only available options for ascending to the presidency, whose craving 
has become very difficult to conceal.

Furthermore, Zuma continues to endorse the very capitalist economic 
policies of Mbeki that impact negatively on the masses. He has praised 
Mbeki’s leadership and expressed support for his disastrous economic 
policies.

While the shenanigans around Zuma continue to trouble the fragile 
tripartite alliance, one cannot help but commend or even envy, to some 
extent, the high level of radicalism and conviction that Zuma supporters 
have demonstrated. This kind of defiance, which places a lot of emphasis 
on the power of the masses, was last seen within ANC structures during 
the apartheid-era.

In an unprecedented manner, the masses within the ANC have stood up and 
utilised the only power they truly posses to influence bureaucratic and 
political processes within the organisation. The recent decision of the 
ANC NEC to re-instate Zuma with full responsibilities as the deputy 
president of the organisation was largely influenced by the large 
support that Zuma enjoys within the ANC and tripartite alliance.

Also, it is because of the power of the ANC masses that the Zuma issue 
remains a matter for intensive debate and discussion at the Union 
Buildings and Luthuli House. Zuma continues to use his popularity to 
intimidate Mbeki and his government.

In the 1980’s people’s power rendered the apartheid state ungovernable. 
Mass protests, within and beyond South Africa, ultimately forced the 
very arrogant Nationalist Party into formal talks with the exiled ANC. 
Within South Africa, the power of the masses, which manifested itself in 
consumer boycotts, strikes, bus boycotts, etc. played a huge role in the 
demise of apartheid.

Mass protest is very critical in the context of the ANC’s economic 
policies that have not only failed to improve the lives of the poor, but 
have also resulted in millions of job losses and exacerbated poverty 
levels. The ever-complacent Mbeki will be compelled to conduct an 
intensive review of his government’s policies.

Cosatu and its allies can be rest assured that relentless massive 
campaigns against Mbeki’s neo-liberalism will receive support from even 
the most progressive social movements in the country, who continue to 
warn the government that its economic policies are directly responsible 
for the appalling socio-economic conditions.

While the Zuma issue is responsible for reviving mass protest within the 
ANC, the public needs to be warned that a Zuma Presidency will not 
necessarily change their lives for the better. The struggle against 
neo-liberalism and capitalism is much bigger than any one individual.

And certainly, rallying behind ‘Giorgio Armani - Range Rover’ 
politicians, like Jacob Zuma, who only appreciates the power of the 
masses when their positions of privilege are threatened, is a step in 
the wrong direction in as far as the struggle against the free-market 
economic systerm is concerned.

Collectively, the poor SA masses in the 80’s managed to put the 
apartheid era bourgeoisie on the run before they cunningly negotiated 
the “World Trade Centre” compromise.

The disgruntled masses, once again, have the power to rise up and demand 
from Mbeki and the capitalists [old and new] a genuine “Better life for 
All” A clear message needs to be sent to Mbeki-whose “I am an African” 
speech is celebrated world-over that the current criminal neo-liberal 
project is devoid of any African values.

It is a grave insult to African principles of ‘Ubuntu’ for Mbeki to 
suggest that an economic systerm that forces many to adopt humiliating 
tactics to survive, such as selling their bodies and begging, is a 
direction towards an “African Renaissance”

Limiting the wide spread dissatisfactions only to the ‘succession’ issue 
is a bad strategy that stands to backfire. Mbeki has once again shrewdly 
emerged as ‘Mr Clean’ by suggesting that the next president should be a 
woman.

This has been welcome by even some of the most progressive feminists. 
Assuming that Mbeki is a champion for women’s rights is very flawed.

Not so long ago, he appeared on TV unashamedly ‘shoving’ Winnie Mandela. 
He also saw nothing wrong about joking about “beating” his sister up if 
she came home and told him she was dating Kenneth Meshoe of the ACDP. 
Such a man has a very narrow and perverted understanding of “women 
empowerment”

Moreover, it is largely poor women that have suffered mostly as a result 
of government’s economic policies and Mbeki’s continued HIV/AIDS denialism.

Finally, very unfortunate, is the sad reality that those, within the 
alliance, who purport to have the interests of the working class at 
heart, while being at the forefront of the ‘Zuma for presidency’ 
campaign have been, ironically, absent from militant working class 
struggles for better living conditions and affordable basic services.


Ngonyama is a social-movement activist based in Durban